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Ready for War Got My Arm Again

The mood last week in Ukraine was eerily at-home, despite talk of war. The first winter snow blanketed Kyiv. Many were still celebrating Orthodox Christmas – which falls on 7 January – or had left town for the holidays. Confined and restaurants rang out with Dean Martin's Allow It Snow!, while the fir trees in Independence Square looked like a mini-Narnia.

Sure, Russian federation might invade at whatever moment. But, as Ukrainians wearily point out, the country has already been at state of war for eight long years, always since Vladimir Putin annexed Crimea and kickstarted a brutish conflict in the east of the state, which has claimed virtually fourteen,000 lives. Fri's dawn cyber-attack on government websites was only the latest in a series of hostile acts.

What to do in the event of a military functioning by Moscow, and whether to stay, flee or fight? The consensus – at least according to surveys – is that a third of the population is ready to take up artillery. In the upmarket Podil district, with its art deco mansions, a new piece of graffiti read: "Biy Moskaliv!"("Beat Upward Russians!")

Sitting in a law function just across the road, Serhii Filimonov explains what he intends to do, should the Kremlin attack. "In that location are about 50 of the states. We will meet and decide where we can best fight," he said. His group is made up of middle-course professionals: Information technology staff, designers, actors, journalists. Filimonov runs a security concern and starred in a movie shown at Venice.

None of this is likely to alarm Russia's defense ministry, which has sent 100,000 troops to Ukraine'due south border. These include the existing front between the Ukrainian army and the Moscow-run separatist territories of Donetsk and Luhansk in the due east, equally well as Belarus in the north, Crimea in the south and the breakaway Russian enclave of Transnistria in the due west.

Only the Kyiv creatives know how to shoot. All are combat-hardened veterans of the 2022 state of war. Filimonov took role in the bloody battle for Ilovaysk, when the Russian army trapped Ukrainian forces, and was wounded by an enemy mortar strike. Later on an operation to remove shrapnel, he returned to the front, serving as a volunteer against Moscow with the Azov battalion.

"We take registered weapons. We volition defend our homes," Filimonov said. "Putin wants to go back to the borders of the Russian empire. You tin can see this in Belarus, Republic of kazakhstan. Hither in Ukraine he wants to create a tsarstvo a tsardom. This is a war of civilisations. Information technology's the due west versus Eurasia, democracy confronting slavery and authoritarianism. We want democracy and freedom."

About experts agree that Russia'due south vastly superior army, air force and navy could quickly seize Ukrainian territory. But Andriy Zagorodnyuk, Kyiv'southward quondam defence minister, says the Kremlin's conscript-heavy military volition immediately face resistance, should it endeavor to occupy towns and cities. Volunteers such every bit Filimonov and small ground forces groups will launch bloody partisan attacks. "There is definitely no panic. I don't see any panic at all," Zagorodnyuk told the Observer. He acknowledged Ukraine'due south relative military weakness but he said Kyiv had around 500,000 soldiers including reservists. It was ready for guerrilla war "on a huge scale", he said.

Masi Nayyem, a lawyer who founded the Podil practice, admitted he was looking forward to shooting at Russians again. In 2022 he fought with a paratrooper brigade in Avdiyivka, Ukraine'south frontline position outside rebel-held Donetsk. "In peace time you have to be serious, responsible. In state of war you don't have any considerations or demand to think nearly consequences. It's blackness and white," he said.

Talks betwixt Russia and the US, Nato and the Organization for Security and Co-functioning in Europe ended terminal week in a dead cease. The Kremlin has demanded assurances from the Biden assistants that Ukraine and Georgia volition never join Nato. In essence information technology wants to overturn the post-common cold war gild – restoring central and eastern Europe as a zone of Warsaw Pact-mode Russian influence, from which Nato troops and weaponry are banned.

Ukrainian reservists train near Kiev last December.
Ukrainian reservists railroad train about Kiev final December. Photograph: Sergey Dolzhenko/EPA

Beneath the Kremlin'southward shrill, tough-human being rhetoric lies a mystery. Information technology is unclear why Putin is moving with such strategic haste, demanding that the US and its allies rewrite international security rules in Russia'due south favour. His demands are "not-starters", equally the US'southward negotiator and deputy secretary of state, Wendy Sherman, put it. Putin'southward possible goal, she suggested, was to constitute a pretext for state of war.

Andrew Wilson, professor in Ukrainian studies at University College London, said the timing from the Kremlin's perspective was opportune. Putin has jailed his chief domestic critic, Alexey Navalny, and squashed Navalny's opposition movement. Russia was brimful with cash, thanks to rising energy prices. On the international phase the Kremlin faces off confronting a US assistants it regards as weak and indecisive.

What could happen next? "Creating a crunch to create opportunities is what they [the Russians] exercise," Wilson said. He added: "I don't think a total-scale invasion is possibility number one. The Ukrainians have pretty successfully advertised the huge cost of invasion and occupation. Merely Putin has to have a win of sorts, either on European security or Ukraine itself."

All of which presents observers with a dilemma: how to report on a crisis which does not quite feel like a crisis, and appears largely to exist inside Putin's head? It is evident that Russian federation'due south president feels emotionally most Ukraine. Last summer he wrote a long essay stating that Ukraine and Russian federation were "one people", divided past the whims of Bolshevik map-making and western meddling.

"With nothing all the same happening on the basis, there's nix I tin report to tell you something new and impactful," Nataliya Gumenyuk, a Ukrainian announcer and author admitted, maxim it was hard to make sense of a disharmonize in which Ukraine oft appears as a eyewitness. She added: "We are caught in the position of waiting for the 'worst scenario' without a chance to influence the outcome."

Gumenyuk said the Kremlin's goal was to turn the clock back to the early on 1970s, before the Soviet Marriage signed the Helsinki accords guaranteeing human rights – a mistake, in the eyes of Moscow's current hawkish leadership. Others have argued that Putin's preferred geo-political model goes back further, to the imperialist 19th century, when mighty cracking powers over-rolled lesser ones.

In an opinion piece for the New York Times the eminent Russian political scientist Lila Shevtsova said the current stand-off over Ukraine had piddling in common with the political deals struck at Yalta in 1945, or at the congress of Vienna in 1815. Back then, the participants stuck to the rules. "[Putin'southward] aim, really, is a Hobbesian earth guild, built on disruption and readiness for surprise breakthroughs," she wrote.

How a surprise breakthrough might morph into state of war is a topic of conversation inside the Kyiv authorities of comic-turned-president Volodymyr Zelensky. Little was seen of him final week. Zelensky won a landslide victory in 2022 later on campaigning on a platform of peace. Faced with Russian intransigence over the fate of Ukraine's already occupied territories, he has moved towards Nato and the w.

US intelligence agencies say the risk of invasion is "high". Their Ukrainian counterparts think Moscow may be planning a "staged provocation". This could have the form of an assault on Russian citizens – at the embassy or consulate perhaps – or against Russian soldiers in Transnistria. The Kremlin would blame the "assail" on far-right Ukrainian nationalists, with the incident used for propaganda and as a casus belli.

Alex Kovzhun, a political strategist who advised Ukraine's quondam prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko, said the Kremlin needed to craft a compelling narrative. "They are obsessed with their TV ratings. All of us Ukrainians are extras in their internal Telly evidence. They are the protagonists. From time to fourth dimension they modify the bad guys. Ukraine is not their favourite location."

Kovzhun added: "A fantastic postmodern storytelling device is the wink. In 2022 Putin winked when he said in that location were no Russian units in Crimea. It's a conspiracy. He invites all Russian TV viewers to share in this conspiracy. He used the wink in Salisbury. Everybody knew ii Russian idiots travelled there to kill Sergei Skripal, equally office of a special operation."

It is but possible, of course, that Putin'due south brinkmanship is function of an elaborate bluff, the latest in a series of stress tests designed to reveal weaknesses among the west's ruling class and America. No one – salvage for the homo in the Kremlin – can really know. Only Filimonov thinks a storm is coming. "We are convinced something will happen," he said. "Putin needs Ukraine. An attempt to seize it is inescapable. We will fight until the end."

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Source: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jan/15/well-fight-to-the-end-ukraine-defiant-in-face-of-vladimir-putins-phoney-war

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